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sovet4ik.info Tulsa Reserve Deputy Bob Bates Pleads Not Guilty To Manslaughter, Trial Date pues muchos de los fonemas árabes no tenían correspondencia en español. En muchos préstamos antiguos se sonorizaron las oclusivas sordas. of Bucharest, e-mail: [email protected]) Laura Sitaru (University of Bucharest, Similarly. until a considerably later date than Grenada Arabic. Se observa sonorización del fonema t (t > d) influenciado por un entorno sonoro así La /t/ oclusiva se realiza africada en todos los contextos fonéticos. n' hăbâc. que las laringales en cario y licio evolucionan a fonemas velares (cf. ADIEGO, , p. . muy clara: la laringal se ha reflejado en griego con una oclusiva aspirada y el alargamiento en -u [email protected] Este artículo .. I. G. Tompkins, "Problems of Dating and Pertinence in Sorne Letters of. Theodoret.

He studied Greek with Constantino Lascaris, devoted himself to Classical studies and philology, and spent 30 years preparing his dictionary Labarre Canem timidum vehementius latrare, quam mordere. Diminuam ego caput tuum hodie, nisi abis. Quid immerentes hospites vexas, canis?

Canem ferre, inquit, idem est ac vinctum esse. Cephalus hoc cane Thebas profectus est, ubi fama erat, vulpem esse eodem fatorum munere donatum: Averso cedens canis occidit astro. Be more wary of a dog than of a snake, says the proverb according to Horace, book 1, Epistulae, 17, verse Curtius, [Historiae Alexander Magni] book 7, chapter 4, A fearful dog barks more than it bites.

Of what manner of men is copy of this dictionary. Of the haruspex Volusius, of the doctor Cornelius, and also of those dogs who you see licking my tribunal.

Horace, Epodos, 6, Why do you attack those innocent guests, dog? In Propertius, book 4, Elegiae, 8, verse To me, tempted by the pleasure of Venus and then, by those harmful dogs to gamble. Plautus Casina, act 2, 6, 37 [verse ].

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You, who today carry, inevitably, the dog and the yoke. Canis major is composed of 18 stars; it is said that he was as is mentioned in myth of astounding velocity and that the Fates had it that no wild beast should ever manage to beat him. Cephalus delivered this dog to Thebes, right there where the famous fox was to be found that, as a gift of the gods, could never be trapped; it is said that Jupiter sent the dog to the heavens in order to prolong the match.

Virgil, Georgica, 1, verse And ceding, the Dog hides before the opposing star. These are also the months of most intense heat in the East. Pliny, [Naturalis historia] book 9, chapter Lucilius, [Satires] book 1, verse 23 and Ennius in fragmenta, also Plautus Trinummus 1, 2, This collection of more than 30, alphabetized entries contains explanations of names of people, places, institutions, difficult words and grammatical forms, as well as proverbs and quotations from learned authors Finkel et al.

It was first published in in Milan by Calcondilas and a Latin translation by Wolj appeared in Basle in Enciclopedia vniversal ilvstrada evropeo-americana, vol. Thereafter it appears in many other Spanish dictionaries as a generic term for dictionary or Latin dictionary cf. The original Calepino was a monolingual Latin dictionary, but with Greek equivalences noted in some cases Lope Blanch c: The edition which I have been able to consult includes the equivalent of the Latin entry in five other languages: Hebrew, German, French, Spanish and Greek.

It is this property which earned the Calepino fame as a polyglot dictionary, though it is clear that it continued to be primarily a monolingual Latin dictionary. These probably originated as interlinear and marginal notations like those of any student who 17 It was superceded by the Totius latinitatis lexicon published posthumously by Jacopo Facciolati and Egidio Forcellini infor which it was also the inspiration and foundation see the entries for these authors in the Wikipedia and the OED entry for calepin.

Later, such difficult words, together with the explanatory notes, were gathered into lists, sometimes ordered alphabetically, sometimes ordered by semantic groups or grammatically. Some of these glossaries, like those compiled by Georgius Goetz — in his Corpus glossariorum latinorum Leipzig —; cited by Castro But for less advanced students, or in later times when the knowledge of Latin was not so firmly established, bilingual glossaries were produced, generally practical, unpolished, careless lists full of errors.

InElio Antonio de Nebrija revolutionized Spanish lexicography with his Lexicon ex sermone latino in hispaniensem, a work which might be considered a systematization and extension of the model of bilingual Medieval glossaries. It is a bilingual Latin-Spanish vocabulary. It differs from the traditional Medieval monolingual Latin dictionaries in two important ways: Compare, for example, the following entry for canis in Nebrija, with that of Palencia and of Calepino above.

Apparently, the general style of the entries remained constant, as can be appreciated in the following example of the entry for canis taken from a reprinting of the second edition. Later, no longer under the control of the original author, another 49 editions and reprintings appeared during the 16th century and until24 of the Latin-Spanish dictionary and 25 of the Spanish-Latin one.

In the same way, the head words of the Dictionarium formed the basis of the first bilingual dictionaries which give the equivalences of Spanish in other contemporary languages. He was also unaware that two printings of the second edition and one of the first one appeared in PERRO, animal conocido y familiar, simbolo de fidelidad y de reconocimiento a los mendrugos de pa[n] que le echa su amo.

Desta materia ay libros enteros escritos con casos muy particulares. La etimologia del perro declararemos por vna pregunta q[ue] se suele hazer en las aldeas. Porque el perro qua[n]do se quiere echar da bueltas a la redonda? Respondese por via de passatiempo que anda a buscar la cabecera.

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El perro es de naturaleza muy seca, y para echarse recogido no puede doblar el espinazo de golpe: Ay muchas diferencias de perros: Los perros del ganado, que son de tanta importa[n]cia a los pastores, y otros muchos generos de perros. A perro viejo, nunca tus, tus. Por dinero baila el perro.

El perro con rabia a su amo muerde. El perro del herrero q[ue] duerme a las martilladas, y despierta a las dentelladas. A otro perro con esse huesso. Ni padre, ni madre, ni perro que le ladre. Perrillo de muchas bodas. Los perros de Zurita. Este es vn refran comu[n], y dizen auer nacido de que vn Alcaide de Zurita tenia vnos perros muy brauos que estaua[n] de dia atados, y soltandolos a la noche, no hallando a quien morder, se mordian vnos a otros.

On this subject there are complete books written with particular cases. We will explain the etymology of perro with a question that is customarily asked in the villages. Why does the dog walk in circles when he wants to lie down?

The answer is, as a kind of passtime, that he is looking for the head of the bed. The dog is by nature very dry, and in order to curl up and lie down he cannot bend his backbone once and for all: There are many different kinds of dogs: Dogs for herding, which are so important for shepherds, and many other types of dogs.

The dog dances for money. A dog that barks, not a good hunter. A rabid dog, his master bites. To another dog with that bone. Neither father, nor mother, nor a dog that barks at him. A lap dog at many weddings. The dogs of Zurita. SMITH-STARK comes from the fact that a warden from Zurita had some very fierce dogs that were tied up during the day, and that, being let loose at night and not finding anyone to bite, they would turn on each other.

In addition, Covarrubias adds a well-honed literary style, a fine sense of humour, and a clear interest in compiling traditional proverbs, sayings and refrains.

Clearly, what some see as defects, others see as merits: With Covarrubias I conclude my review of the lexicographic context in which the dictionaries of Indian languages in New Spain were produced. Let us now turn our attention to the dictionaries produced in the languages of New Spain during this period. Lexicographic production in New Spain — For the purposes of this paper, I will limit myself to discussing those lexicographic works produced on languages spoken in the territory which corresponds to modern Mexico, extended to the south to include all of Mesoamerica.

This was a period of immense importance not only for Spanish lexicography, as we have just seen, but also one of intense lexicographic activity in New Spain, for which we have a generous and varied corpus of 23 vocabularies treating 13 languages. Within these geographic and temporal limits, six dictionaries were published, all bilingual.

The Vocabulario en la lengua castellana y mexicana by Alonso de Molina appeared inand his Vocabulario en lengua mexicana y castellana, together with a second corrected and expanded edition of his Spanish-Nahuatl vocabulary, appeared in In addition, there are another thirteen vocabularies that have survived in manuscript form, in some cases edited at a much later date. These include two Nahuatl vocabularies: Bollesthe Diccionario de San Francisco Anon.

Ruz ; a Tzotzil vocabulary end of the 16th century or beginning of 25 There are also references to a Diccionario de la lengua maya by Luis de Villalpandobut I have not been able to confirm its existence. A third group of documents is formed by four copies of printed bilingual dictionaries which have glosses in a third language added as handwritten notes in the margens and other blank spaces. Bartholomewa copy of Molina with Otomi glosses added to the Spanish-Nahuatl half inand a copy of Gilberti with glosses added in the Otomi spoken in Michoacan.

The complete census of these 23 documents — six of them printed, thirteen manuscripts and four in the form of marginal glosses — is as follows: Alonso de Molina2.

Iuan Baptista de Lagunas Iuan de Cordoua Francisco de Aluarado Pedro de Arenas Manuscripts some copied, published or reproduced in facsimile at a later date 1. Domingo de Vico, by Domingo de Ara, by Alonso de la Solana Alonso de la Solana?

Antonio de Ciudad Real? Anonymous end of the 16th century? Anonymous end of the 16th or beginning of the 17th century: Printed editions of bilingual dictionaries with glosses in a third language added by hand 1. It is also possible that some of the works listed are in fact from later thansince the actual date of several of the manuscripts and marginal glosses is uncertain.

One of the most difficult problems in the study of the lexicography of this period is that of having a clear idea of what was actually produced since the bibliography on the subject tends to be incomplete, confusing and full of errors and inconsistencies.

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For example, McQuown mentions a Vocabulario mexicano pp. However, these are by no means the only sources which present lexicographic information in an explicit way. It is also common to find lists of vocabulary in grammars. For example Gilbertiff.

Information exists about many other such works which have not survived the ravages of time, neglect and vandalism. For the present study I have only taken into account works which still exist in some form and whose lexicographic characteristics can be studied directly.

The 23 works in the census provide data about 13 languages: The largest number of documents, 5, include Nahuatl, followed by 4 each for Otomi and Yucatec Maya, 3 for Tarascan, 2 for Kaqchikel, and one each for the eight remaining languages. The following list provides information about the birth and death dates of the 16 known or suspected authors, 29 their places of origin and the religious orders to which they belonged.

He was still active in Solana entered the order at the Franciscan convent of San Juan de los Reyes de Toledo, but was not necessarily born there. He probably arrived in Yucatan in With the sole exception of Arenas, all are friars, 10 Franciscans and five Dominicans. Though the author is unknown, it is probable that the anonymous Tarascan vocabulary was done by Augustinians Warren In some cases there is internal evidence for a possible indigenous author.

Because, contrary to the terms of the Oslo negotiations, the street continues to be off-limits to most Palestinians, and life has yet to be normalized as 19 agreed upon. Instead, the two groups grow increasingly hostile and oppositional, while using varied strategies, in order to gain and hold on to the space surrounding the tomb.

Gaining space through tactics of space Narratives serve a cultural function and are crucial to considerations of how actors construct, contest, and ground experience and history in praxis. Spaces are subject to multiple interpretations and overlapping narratives, and therefore when contested - e. In contrast, redevelopment projects are often seen as erasing cultural and architectural spatial remains, and leaving an urban landscape without memories Low However, in the case of Hebron the development in renovation and building Closed shop on Shuhada Street with settler graffiti.

In her article Vitullo points out how the almost complete abandonment of the old city sincehas led not only to a dramatically changed demography, but also damaging disrepair ibid: The closure of this part of Hebron thus had several consequences for Palestinians, which was testified when Arafat, the former Palestinian leader, in ordered the establishment of the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee ibid: The commission started a large scale rehabilitation project to secure that housing was improved and even subsidized anyone moving there for the first five years ibid: However, the old town remained 20 loosely inhabited, and mainly so with poor inhabitants, as the settlers made life in the old town difficult for Palestinians through harassment and the Israeli Defense Forces IDF through military orders, road closures and check points ibid: As Vitullo points out: Similarly, the settlers renovated the houses they now inhabit, and the school they run within Shuhada Street.

Further, they have created a cultural and tourist center near the tomb, and renamed the surrounding streets, with Shuhada Street now being known as King David Street — a name which through its strong scriptural connotations for the settlers, manifests their mandate for being in the street. When a specific street is a site of conflict, it adds a spatial dimension to a conflict, which manifests in physical initiatives, such as roadblocks, checkpoints, and renaming of public places and streets.

Initiatives, which physically enhances the contrasts between the conflicting groups. The transformation of space into place require a conscious moment, and the production of a neighborhood is inherently an exercise of power over some sort of hostile environment, which may take the form of another neighborhood Appadurai Thus, terrains of resistance become sites of geographic and representational contestation, involving forces of domination and resistance, which manifests different values, beliefs and goals Routledge The city is no longer the setting for the struggle, but is transformed into an agent and ally of social action Bonilla It is through these physical understandings that the aforementioned narratives become meaningful and diversified types of social protest are formed and enacted.

As I will show in the following, the Palestinian contestation of their present situation is visualized and expressed through demonstrations and spatial techniques of renaming Shuhada Street.

The inscription of alternative political meanings on the urban space, using the bodily techniques of mass action and visual signs1 within physical territories Santino in: Usually street signs serve to inscribe an official version of the national or local story into spheres of human activity, and no choice of name is therefore random. Yet, in Hebron, the lack of signs instead silently testifies to the ongoing conflict in the area.

Photo by Youth Against Settlements 22 through the demonstration seek to create and maintain international and regional awareness of the closure of Shuhada Street, and the broader struggle of Palestinians during occupation.

Equally important, the demonstration for the opening of Shuhada Street to Palestinians, every year, sincehas taken place on February 25, which marks the anniversary of the massacre by Baruch Goldstein, a Jewish orthodox settler from Hebron, on Muslims praying in Ibrahimi Mosque and the consequent closure of Shuhada Street for Palestinians, due to security considerations. The demonstration assembles within the H2 area controlled by the Palestinian Authorities, and then walks in one big mass from there towards the Israeli controlled check point of Shuhada Street.

Instead of forcefully opening the street, the protesters symbolically rename the street, at the checkpoint making the checkpoint and the chosen name of Apartheid Street interplay and force attention to the problematic interrelations and regulations of the street. While the place of the demonstration marks the actual reality, symbolized by the checkpoint confronting the protesters, the connotations of renaming a street that they cannot enter creates an opportunity of space. The symbol of renaming, as the creating of all symbols, reduces our dependence on immediate sensory experience transcending our confinement in space Spradley The act of walking, Michel de Certeau argues, is to the urban system what the speech act is to language or to the statements uttered []: In the case of Hebron, because the protesters are not able to enter the place, the renaming becomes an intermediate symbolic relation to a place that they seek to change and wish to reach through the demonstration.

Graffiti in this context is a useful visualizing tool, with quick appliance and wide global recognition. Here the graffiti serves as a way for the marginalized Palestinians — through the renaming of the street — to subdue and change space temporarily to their own momentary advantage.

The graffiti becomes part of the setting, and together with the demonstration, it 2 23 Graffiti in Shuhada Street. Shuhada Street in Arabic means Street of the Martyrs. During the Palestinian protest, it is via graffiti renamed to Apartheid Street. Reference to the UN definition and understanding of Apartheid. Inscribing space with meaning involves cultural elaboration and recognition, through narratives and praxis ibid: Through this process, space is transformed into a place of significance.

As will be showed the praxis of renaming streets, therefore is more powerful and political, then normally perceived, and fundamental to the relation between humans and their physical surroundings. Analyzing spatial conflicts and strategies: The power of space, renaming and repainting Spatial structures and resistance As Henri Lefebvre writes: In the following, I will expand on this, and show how spatial practices through procedures that exercise discipline in space in fact: In Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison [] Michel Foucault examines the relationship between space, power and knowledge by positioning architecture, as a mean for power and control, through which everyday life is canalized.

Power then, he argues, is based on the command of space and the entities that move within any politically marked territory. He addresses the important issue of how architecture and planning, through the control of movement, can be used by dominant groups to maintain their power over other groups.

As the present analysis explains, a similar control is enacted through the division of Hebron and the conversion of Shuhada Street into a military security zone. A process contested by the Palestinian demonstration and renaming of Shuhada Street. While recognizing the structural spatial submission of groups and individuals, Michel de Certeau in The Practice of Everyday Life [] aims to address the individuals everyday resistance within space.

For de Certeau, power is about territory and boundaries, in which the weapons of the strong are, in accordance with Foucault, classification, delineation and division, while the weapon of the weak is to tactically submerge space through short cuts, routes and movement. The individual tactically submerging space creates paths that are beyond control, exactly because the goal is to create independence within a place otherwise structured and controlled.

He brings to light the uses of space by groups or individuals already caught in the net of discipline de Certeau []: This practice, that seize to have a language, as it will be argued, can be resistance, which by definition is contrasting or outside defined structures. In contrast tactics are: The tactics through which the weak make use of the strong thus lend a political dimension to everyday practices 26 ibid: Nonetheless use of tactics depends largely on time, as it is dependent on constantly seizing the moment of opportunity ibid: As this article argues, such a moment of opportunity is not only seized, but can equally be created - for example through the movement of a protest.

When an empty space fills, the actors challenge the social construction, control and intended meaning of that space.

Walking in groups, through the flow of masses or the filling of an empty square can represent an act of spatial transformation as well as a highly symbolic and performative act ibid.

The city or landscape then becomes a site of group production ibid: Space is produced and regulated with the aim of excluding opponents and controlling entities within, but through the use of space, the meaning intended for can become different.

Hence walking provides a place to protest a wider problem as a whole. Through operations of walking, renaming and narrating the city, the strategic discipline of space is undone, and instead is created a metaphorical or mobile city de Certeau []: Terrains of resistance then become sites of geographic and representational contestation, involving forces of domination and resistance, manifesting different values, beliefs and goals Routledge As this analysis argues, following the argument of both Michel Foucault and Michel de Certeau, walking as protest becomes even more significant and effective in conflict areas, where it can serve as a way for the marginalized to subdue space.

For the Palestinian protesters the management of space might only be temporary, but has large power internally and externally.

Similar, control cannot be understood in isolation from conceptualizations of space, which legitimize and naturalize sociospatial relations, which are manipulated in conflict situations Lefebvre in: Low et al [] Absolute command over physical space is the focus of the struggle between the two groups in Hebron.

The power of renaming — The power of repainting Street names serve to inscribe the national story and no choice of name is random. The power to officially name streets, put them on the map, is in most cases exclusively reserved to official administrative institutions, as renaming of public space provides an accessible way to 27 consolidate their policy and nationalize territory Demetriou The person reading a street sign will therefore similarly always know what association the ones who named the street wanted to evoke Demetriou Separation wall in Shuhada Street.

Street names consequently provides not only an individual instrument for orientation but also an official and authorized mapping of history through the city space ibid. The power of renaming streets lies in the incorporation of an official version of history into spheres of human activity. Thus, that which usually seems to be entirely devoid of direct political manipulation is then manipulated and influenced ibid.

Transforming a national understanding of history into the natural order of things and everyday life. Renaming streets therefore also often happens after a change in regime of power, as an effective demonstration of the reshaping of political power structures Azaryahu Renaming streets; squares and other public spaces is likewise a common mode of producing, reproducing, articulating and removing specific identities in space, and so renaming specific spaces is ways of making space attend to particular national, ethnic and religious identities.

The power of sites thus lies in their capacity as symbols to communicate through condensed, even conflicting meanings, 28 particularly when activated during the drama of political events Kuper For the same reason, social groups imprint themselves physically on the urban structure through the formation of communities, competition for territory, and physical segregation Low The ultimate example is walls and the use of force for segregation.

Space here again takes on the ability to confirm identity Low As the anthropologist Hilda Kuper Low et al [] In the local context, this becomes clear when renovating the old city of Hebron becomes a national prioritized project, or when the orthodox Jews seek to Demonstration graffiti.

In accordance with Michel de Certeau, the tactics of resistance, through which the weak make use of the strong, largely dependent on constantly seizing the moment of opportunity de Certeau []: However, when this moment is seized in a space of narrative importance, as Shuhada Street, it mutually enforces the groupings resistance.

In the demonstration to reopen Shuhada Street, the striking, central part is the renaming of the street to Apartheid Street. The renaming, as a tactic of the weak, becomes a spatial tactic that is reinforcing the message of the demonstration.

It is created in the opportunity provided by the demonstration, and enforced by the graffiti. Additionally, they oppose the Jewish settlers renaming and narratives justifying closure and division of Hebron, by inscribing alternative political meanings on the urban space, through the use of the bodily techniques of mass action and signs within physical territories Santino in: Here the graffiti serves as a way for the marginalized Palestinians - through the 31 renaming of the street - to subdue and change space temporarily to their momentary advantage.

The graffiti becomes part of the setting, and together with the demonstration, it creates a visual performance of activism. Of course, pieces that are more elaborate demand more time and space, but the variations in the genre makes it accessible for groups with both little time, materials and spatial influence.

The difference in both graffiti style, location and symbols is clear when looking at the strategies of the two groups in Hebron, who apply different strategies for visually altering the street. Different strategies, which I wish to argue reflect their respectively positions of power and motivation. As such, the Palestinians paint the checkpoint, which marks both their limit of movement, the Israeli military strength and the physical entrance to the street. Here the call is for international attention, and non-religious symbols are chosen.

The spatial checkpoint and the international understanding of apartheid interplay, strengthening not only the Palestinian activistic performance, but also the visual symbolism of the graffiti.

On the other hand, the Palestinians lack of power in the street is also reflected in their choice of graffiti style. They have less time and less space, and therefore need to use signs brought with them, and only leave stencils — which are simplistic pieces of graffiti, one can make within a minute or less using a template.

The Palestinian oppositional graffiti is further primarily English language, and use internationally recognizable symbols. In contrast, the Israeli settlers have all the space of the street, guarded by the IDF. They have time and space, and do not have to hurry. The graffiti from the settlers groups is elaborate, and primarily has religious meaning and scriptural symbolism. They are signifying their religious grounds for being in the street, and therein their legitimacy and power, drawing on the setting of the tomb and its importance to them.

Guarded by the IDF they do not need to hurry. The tomb in Hebron is itself very religious and politically loaded for both sides for varied reasons, and the graffiti, signs etch. Further, as pointed out previously both group have in varied ways invested in tourism, historical renovation projects, and subsidized people for moving into the area.

All 32 initiatives signifying the importance of the area surrounding the tomb of the Patriarchs for both groups. For the Palestinian protesters, the tomb and the street surrounding serves only as a sort of theatrical background for the demonstrations, rather than an applied visual symbol. The staging of Islam and the importance for the tomb is therefore not central to their graffiti - If only through its absence.

Of course, the choice of not using Islam can of course also be seen as a strategic choice. Due to strong international focus on radical Islam, and the continuing negotiations between Israel and Palestine, it may serve the local youth organization better to use international symbols then religious ones. As a result, not using religious symbols might help the Palestinians to take a positive stand in negotiation and internationally place them in a positive contrast to the settlers, who infuse the street with religious symbols, protected by the Israeli Defense Forces.

All over there is — in both Hebron and elsewhere — a large amount of storytelling to graffiti. A Middle Eastern graffiti movement Prior to the demonstrations throughout the Middle East inno separate, firm subculture of graffiti or street art existed in the Middle Eastern region.

Nevertheless, as the demonstrations developed, so did the community, and today the community — across the region - manifests itself as one of the most interesting and unique visual movements. While graffiti and street art in the West are two firmly separated sub-cultural groups, the genres — combined with sticker and poster art — seems to intermingle and develop together in the Middle East, as one joint community. The joint graffiti-street art community makes the Middle Eastern visual street expression unique.

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However, the movement also unique, because it draws on other elements than preceding western graffiti; instead incorporating cartoons, martyrs, and iconic cultural figures. As I seek to show in the following, these elements steamed from the Middle Eastern context itself, but also reflected the spatial and situational usage of the graffiti during the uprisings.

For example carrying on from the cartoon traditions of many — especially Egyptian newspapers — graffiti artists communicated non-verbal messages through the integration of cartoon characters.

A tendency not quite seen to the same extend in the West. Another unique element of the graffiti movement in the Middle East is the usage of martyrs and iconic cultural personalities, integrated as symbols into the imagery of the varied styles of graffiti. Some painters even cooperated with poets and musicians, and incorporated the two elements onto the walls of Middle Eastern city centers and suburbs.

Further, while on one hand using well-known western graffiti styles, Middle Eastern graffiti have on the other hand found a unique expression through the widespread usage of Arabic calligraphy. The usage of Arabic calligraphy, in contrast to more dominant and common usage of roman letters, have altered the central expression and possibilities.

Overall, graffiti in the Middle East has turned a new stylistic corner, and created a completely new artistic movement with direct influence locally and worldwide.

While the elements of Middle Eastern graffiti is unique, it also builds on the circumstances and possibilities of the demonstrations started in Thus, similar to the tactics used during the renaming of Shuhada Street and for demarking group territory in Lebanon during and after the civil war, the graffiti during the demonstrations since was widely used to mark space.

Battles were enacted visually between different groupings, and graffiti battalions were formed, as the walls of Middle Eastern cities changed accordingly and continually. These sites would for example in Cairo, Egypt first include only graffiti, but would often be extended with plants, stone plaques and sometimes even fenced of as monuments5. Similar to many places in Israel-Palestine, Mohamed Mahmoud Street — the flagship of the graffiti movement during the uprisings in Cairo — were wired, blocked by concrete blocks, and otherwise blinded by the military to stop movement and thus usage.

A tactic also used in Shuhada Street and on other settlements in the Westbank, where one visually seek to remove the Palestinian 5 Sources: One thus removes both the barrier and the actual reality behind it, and instead paints the imagined open space. Graffiti can be powerful, and nothing shows its strength as the governmental initiatives and legislative changes targeting graffiti painters across the region.

As such, many countries have since sought to impose prison sentences for painting, and equaled graffiti painting to terrorism and propaganda. The beauty of graffiti is above all the ever-changing nature of its appearance. While an image might be created for one reason, it can similarly be altered and removed for another. The painted and re-painted wall, colorful or whitewashed is thus equally important and provides researchers with ever-changing and new material.

However, as the analysis of graffiti in a Middle Eastern context is new, the academic analysis is initial and ongoing. Brining graffiti in as a new important visual aspect of conflict studies Graffiti worldwide has many shared features, and a wide commonality of the genre is how graffiti allows the art to interplay with its context.

Through the demonstration, the Palestinians create performative terrain where their resistance becomes externally visible, while empowering internal narratives and understandings. The act of walking, as a mass direct action and the renaming of Shuhada Street to Apartheid Street has been proven to challenge the IDFs closure of the street and the Israeli orthodox settlers renaming of the street.

Understanding this visual-spatial aspect of Palestinian resistance contribute to our analysis of Palestinian resistance. Analytically, this article has emphasized the importance of space and graffiti, in understanding conflict areas, especially in regards to the strategic construction of group identities articulated through territory and visual demarcations.

Understanding the spatial aspect of conflicts not only expand our knowledge of Palestinian resistance, but also emphasize the physical constrains keeping the two sides from meeting and therein peace to be negotiated. Yet, walls are repainted, and streets are therefore ever changing.

The timespan on illegal, public art always makes them fresh and contemporary, a present reflection without filter. Of course, looking at the use of visuals, specifically graffiti, represents only a tiny fragment of both Palestinian and wider ME activism.

The situation and the groupings are of cause much more complicated and differentiated; however, the study of current visual staging — such as graffiti — contributes to analyzing the complex and intriguing interrelationship of group identifications, conflict and artistic inventiveness.

It is undeniably that the conflict is a lot more complicated and ambiguous than this analysis suggests. Just as the situation on-ground, this is a work in development. The Production of Locality. In Richard Fardon ed. Visions of Space, Traditions of Place. Ashgate Publishing Company, Hampshire England. The Practice of Everyday Life.

University of California Press. The Birth of the Prison. London — New York: Culture and cognition, rules, maps and plans. Youth against Settlements www. During the Arab Spring inslogans painted on walls became means for the Movement to express its struggle for an independent state. Different categories of slogans can be found in the public spheres and streets of Aden in written and chanted forms. The slogans reflect the political stance of the pro-independence wing inside the Southern Movement.

These slogans are reactions to daily political struggles, as well as claims for a South Arabian state. From a social science perspective, this paper will question how these slogans and graffiti in public spheres reflect the political stance of the Southern Movement and its rhetoric.

Introduction Slogans are apart of political communication: Therefore, studies of slogans demonstrate how political language influences culture and ideology of a society. The slogans presented here are divided in thematic categories: The slogans represent the political discourse in Aden, as well as the rhetoric of the Southern Movement.