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Findings In phase one of the study, the survey gathered data on a total of 1 participants in the Phoenix Arizona metropolitan area who self-identified as Mexican National. These data show that women accounted for These figures are also consistent with national figures showing that 75 percent of all Mexican immigrants between and crossed the U. Legal Status and Earnings Women have slightly better odds of working legally than men, with higher rates of residence or citizenship status.
Data from this study show that One might therefore expect that the odds of having better jobs and higher incomes than men would be greater for women. A study by Rivera-Batiz examined the validity of this commonly accepted argument by measuring the impact of legalization on the earnings of previously undocumented Mexican immigrant workers.
The first part of the Rivera-Batiz study used a random sample from the nearly 1. Congress, to measure changes in earnings that could be attributed to the benefits of legalization.
This study included a longitudinal study that surveyed a large sample 1 individuals of previously undocumented workers who worked in and and were employed after becoming legalized residents with IRCA in Not surprisingly, the results showed that there was a significant rise in earnings after legalization.
Rivera-Batiz shows that when all other measurable factors are controlled for, the wage differential between the earnings of legal and undocumented women workers was greater 57 percent than the differential for men 51 percent in the same categories. In other words, women experienced greater increases in wage earnings after they were given legal authorization to work, showing that women stand to gain more from legal status. The author speculates that women may have been more economically exploited to begin with.
Research by Giorguli, Gaspar, and Leite shows that Mexican women earn lower wages when compared with women migrants from other countries, and makes a case for claiming that discrimination impacts their earnings. When analyzing the wages of women according to their immigration status, the sample for this study shows that immigration status influences earnings significantly, which is consistent with the Rivera-Batiz study. It was found that women with residence and citizenship documents fell into the higher income brackets, while those with no legal documents were concentrated in the low wage earner category with 59 percent of undocumented workers earning less than U.
Conversely, 25 percent of women who were citizens had a salary of over U. Only four percent of undocumented women were in this higher income range. It was also found that female employees' incomes were lower than those of men.
The average salary for women was between and U. In comparison, men who were employees had incomes of between and U. Women occupied the lowest income ranges with Moreover, men were more likely to be in the higher income ranges.
In sum, although women are more likely than men to be legally employed, which is expected to result in higher earnings, the research for this paper is consistent with the Rivera-Batiz evidence showing that gendered income disparities persist despite immigration status. Labor Force Participation Rates The survey showed that the labor participation of all women is The rate of all women engaged in self-employment is also lower than men, with only 2.
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A closer look at labor market participation by marital status showed that married women are less involved in the formal and informal labor markets This suggests that single women have greater economic needs or have more choices for achieving economic independence.
Migration status only slightly impacts the type of employment for immigrant women. Fourteen percent of the legally resident immigrant women surveyed participated in the labor market as employers and self-employed, compared to eight percent of undocumented immigrant women. According to disadvantage theory Valenzuela,women who are citizens are less likely to be more engaged in self-employed activities than undocumented women. Since those who are undocumented are more disadvantaged in the formal labor market, they are more motivated to engage in self-employment.
This theory is supported by the women interviewed for this paper. Regarding the type of economic activities of Mexicans in the survey sample, these seem to be influenced by the traditional sexual divisions of labor as women move from domestic spheres into the labor market. The economic areas that provide opportunities for women lie almost exclusively in the personal service industries for female worker counterparts, in child and elderly care, and as administrative assistants, beauticians and nurses.
By contrast, male labor is concentrated in the areas of construction, landscaping, and trades carpentry, electrical services, welder, taxi drivers, auto mechanics, and upholstererswhich are male dominated. The survey yielded 60 self-employed businesses owned and operated by Mexican immigrants, both women and men. The types of activities included retail trade 11 businessesconstruction sevenauto mechanics sixcleaning sixlandscaping sixbeauty salon or hair care fivetransport fourrestaurants sixalarm and stereo installation twoupholstery shop oneprinting onesmithy onebaby sitting oneand others five.
The survey also identified the immigration status and gender of the business owners. Among the findings of the survey, it was striking that Another aspect worth highlighting is that 70 percent of business owners were men and 30 percent women, illustrating the importance of female labor participation as business owners and the setting up of businesses among Mexican immigrants Valenzuela and Cota, The Beauty Salon, a Means of Self-employment for Mexican Women Immigrants This part summarizes the analysis of the nine interviews conducted with five beauty salon owners, three employees, and one part-time worker who also worked independently from her home.
Information was obtained on undocumented owners of beauty salons through: Characteristic of the Beauticians Interviewed All the owners of the beauty salons were over 30 and had been living in the United States for over 19 years. Respondents had studied vocational careers such as secretarial, cosmetology, dental technician, nursing assistant, and bookkeeping.
One characteristic of the beauty salon owners is that they had legal immigration documents.
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Three of them had received legal residence documents in through the Immigration Reform and Control Act U. Congress, and two under family reunification provisions in the law. This is not an indicator that undocumented workers do not set up beauty salons, but rather that the researchers failed to interview any respondents who admitted having this legal status.
In the authors' view, the new law requiring legal residence documents for business owners effective as of January 1, would make the authors' task increasingly difficult. Fear of being detected by the authorities obviously plays a large part in research of this nature as undocumented owners may be understandably reluctant to volunteer information that may be self incriminating Cornelius, Work History of Beauty Salon Owners and Employees The work history of this small sample of women interviewed during the second stage of the study illustrated their high degree of determination, which helped explain how, despite the laws and increased obstacles to realizing their dreams of achieving financial independence, they were motivated and committed to self-employment enterprises.
The survey found that most of the respondents reported having developed a strong work ethic that had emerged as a result of experiencing hardship in their home communities.
Their narratives were consistent with that of the "American entrepreneur" and the development of an American entrepreneurial spirit. This was exemplified by Patricia who started working in a chicken farm in Mexico at age 13 and worked in the fields picking grapes and tomatoes. The women also often combined household activities with long hours and juggled multiple jobs at the same time some of which was poorly paid just to make ends meet: I worked taking care of the elderly, I was paid U.
I was very tired and I worked there for no more than nine months. At the same time I worked at a video shop on Saturdays from 6 pm to 10 pm, where I earned 20 U. Then I worked in this video store for more hours, for two years, on Friday and Saturday, earning 30 U.
Despite the hardship, there was evidence of a persistent struggle to improve working conditions through the development of human capital through technical or vocational study that would hopefully open doors to new opportunities, as Laura and Idalia explained: My first job was at a factory here, earning U. I had other plans for study. I worked at the factory while I had my daughters I went to college and when I graduated I left the store, which was when I started working as a sales executive at Univision Laura, 49, Phoenix, November In Los Angeles, I worked at a shoe factory.
And later I got out and worked as a cashier, cleaning houses, caring for an elderly man, which is why I ended up studying to be a nursing assistant Idalia, 64, Phoenix, February However, among these women, it was not uncommon to find work histories that adapted to the arrival of children. Other studies show that women are often socially pressured to remain at home to attend to their reproductive roles.
A return to the workforce occurs when their reproductive cycle ends Oso and Ribas, Thus, by temporarily suspending income- generating activities when they have children, they balance multiple demands, as illustrated by this account shared by Lolita: I was working at McDonald's, for three years perhaps.
I left when I was pregnant with my second daughter. I was working anyway, and at seven months I left work I could no longer continue working, but they wanted me to stay If I had had my mother or a sister here, that would have been ok, but no Lolita, 34, Phoenix, February With chronic economic instability looming for many house-holds, 4 cultural norms valuing a women's commitment to home and family may be increasingly challenged O'Leary, The narratives thus provide insights into how familial deliberations over employment and domestic organization are resolved, which, by most standards, might be considered routine if not for their transnational and bicultural dimensions.
With Arizona's proximity to the U. Undocumented Strategies The self-employment survival strategies of undocumented women hinge on their ability to build bridges between the extralegal and legal spheres of activities. The following examples of this should be prefaced by the fact that it proved difficult to arrange an interview with a beauty salon owner who had no formal residence documents.
All the owners who agreed to give the interview declared that they had residence documents. However, the employees of these salons, provided information on the strategies used by "undocumented" owners to avoid being sanctioned by the new law, as the following testimonial shows: Well, first of all, the owner of this [where she works] had been working quite some time without a license.
She was very worried about the new law. The owner had invested over 60 U. But it so happens that she had the idea of associating with someone else who is a legal resident.
He is a relative; she put the business in his name. This is easy when you have family with documents, and money Lolita, 34, Phoenix, February This testimonial also illustrates the role played by support within mixed immigration status families Fix and Zimmermann, in the launch of women's self-employment activities.
We started the beauty salon with the help of the whole family. We all helped to clean up. My dad made the stations; he is a carpenter. The business was registered in my sister's name because she was the only one that was a legal resident, but my sister has never worked the business, I have always been responsible for it. The important thing is the commitment to be here forever Mireya, 39, legal resident at the time of the interview, Phoenix, November The above example illustrates how undocumented women may rely on legally resident family members to skirt the regulations requiring proof of legal residence to set up and run a business in Arizona.
In other cases, hair styling business owners are not hairdressers. One family member launched the business but another member supplied the other skills and motivation needed to operate it, as Laura explained: My husband worked in the business for three years, he equipped it and did everything, but I never saw a profit during that time, so there were problems because I never knew what he was doing; I was working here and there.
I never knew there were management problems Then I left Univision to devote myself to this, because he no longer wanted to work in the beauty salon and wanted to sell it. I said, I do not want to lose this investment Laura, 49, Phoenix, November The above example raises the issue of the financial difficulties immigrants may experience in starting a business, especially if they are undocumented.
Those who managed to save up for a beauty salon did so after a long time and a great deal of effort as two interviewees explained: I had two jobs, from 9 am to 9 pm, going from one beauty salon to the other.
I worked for two years while I was saving up. We invested about 5 U. That's how the shop began Josephine, 54, Phoenix, February The owners of this businessman agreed to save money because they were very well off since they sold cars at the time.
Getting as much money as possible is what counts. Besides, she worked, not too much though, since selling cars was a good business. The owner invested over 60 U. Although the interviews revealed that tax refunds are used as extra income to invest in a business, other methods of saving for investment in a business were not detected.
For example, the use of rotating credit associations RCAs as a funding mechanism was not detected in this small sample. An roa is an informal association of individuals who contribute to a fund, the total of which is given to each participant in turn until the rotation is complete. As previously mentioned, the owners who were interviewed reported having citizenship or residence documents.
However, lack of immigration documents has not eliminated women's participation as self-employed workers but merely delayed the process. I have a room in my house, where I do all my work. Because I think that suits me better, my customers are mine, the money I earn is all mine and this is better for me.
I don't risk it, I don't have "signs". I have business cards, no signs above the house or anything and my customers are my family and friends Karen, 20, Phoenix, November Other hair stylists who were unable to obtain a license opted to work from their home. However, others were reluctant to do so for fear of being discovered and being deported as Lolita explained: I could set up my business here at home, but there is a lot of envy The only thing we can do is have business cards printed and work at clients' houses, which is why many salons are closing.
Many unlicensed stylists make it cheaper to work in customers' homes. Many go to the customer's home and the hair stylist only charges 70 percent of what it would cost if the customers went to a beauty salon. It is best to go to their house so they do not know where you live. The stylists who were only formally employed in a beauty salon elected to abide by the regulations until it would be impossible to do so.
Some of the hair stylists who were undocumented and knew about the law applied for renewal before their licenses were due to expire and before the law went into effect. Others planned to apply for a license in other states or even submit false documentation as some of the women explained: Well, now we're watching this problem.
My license was due to expire on March 16,and we knew that when the bill came, we couldn't get a license if we didn't have id. I spoke to a friend and she asked me when my license expired. I paid 80 U. Licenses, therefore, are being forged, because they have no other choice, they have to work. And many who had hair salons had to close them down and sell them off very cheaply. It was quite easy to get licenses to work as a business, but now it is not, they can refuse to give us them.
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